Insecurity in Nigeria’s Northeast region continues to worsen as reports emerge of yet another kidnapping by suspected members of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).
On Saturday, May 27, four firewood truck drivers were abducted near Ngwom village in Mafa local government. Mafa is about 50 km east of Maiduguri, the capital of Borno state.
The drivers reportedly conveyed laborers, mostly wood fellers and loaders, to the bush when armed terrorists intercepted them.
The terrorists approached the drivers under the guise of needing their services to convey their members to a nearby village. However, the drivers and their passengers were soon taken hostage by the terrorists.
“When we tried to plead with them for mercy, one of them said we should leave immediately,” said one of the laborers, identified only as Abba.
“We were lucky because they have reviewed their policy of targeting poor laborers for kidnapping.”
However, the drivers did not return, and later two of the gunmen appeared and informed the laborers that the four drivers had been kidnapped and wouldn’t be released until each of them paid a ransom of N250,000 (about $500).
The source said the kidnapped drivers were Rawana, Isa, Ba’ana, and Bashir.
This latest incident highlights the growing threat of kidnappings by terrorist groups in the region, which has become a significant concern for the government and citizens.
ISWAP has recently turned to kidnappings of vulnerable villagers, mostly poor IDPs, for petty ransom. This enterprise runs daily and generates revenue for the terrorists.
“Families of the victims are hesitant to report to the police because they often resort to secret crowdfunding to raise the necessary ransom money. The terrorists have threatened to carry out violence if the relatives fail to deliver the money on time,” a local security source, Babangida Musa, said.
Troops of Operation Hadin Kai, in conjunction with the troops of Sector 4 of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF), killed several terrorists belonging to the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) during a thwarted attack in the North East of Arege, in Abadam Local Government Area of Borno State.
According to intelligence sources, the ISWAP militants attempted to infiltrate the advancing troops’ harbor using a Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device (VBIED) on May 10, 2023, at about 10:19 a.m.
Scene of the EID explosion
The terrorists encountered fierce resistance as the troops unleashed heavy firepower, taking out the approaching VBIED 300 meters from them.
The troops, with support from the Air Task Force, neutralized additional terrorists, while others were forced to flee.
Zagazola Makama, a popularncommentator y Counter-Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad region, confirmed the successful operation, highlighting the troops’ bravery and tactical expertise.
The operation’s success dealt a “significant blow to the ISWAP militants and bolstered the troops’ morale.”
Sudan’s warring generals have agreed to a 72-hour ceasefire following 10 days of intense urban combat in which hundreds have died, thousands have been injured, and foreigners have fled.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces have agreed to implement a nationwide ceasefire starting at midnight on April 24th after two days of intense negotiations.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned that Sudan was on “the edge of the abyss” and that the violence “could engulf the whole region and beyond.”
The fighting had involved forces loyal to army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and those of his former deputy Mohamed Hamdan Daglo, who commands the RSF.
At least 427 people have been killed and more than 3,700 wounded, according to UN agencies.
Fighting between Sudan’s two top generals and their heavily armed supporters has entered its fourth day, causing explosions and gunfire to be heard throughout the capital city of Khartoum.
The sudden outbreak of violence has left millions of people trapped in their homes or wherever they could find shelter, with supplies running low and several hospitals forced to shut down.
As of now, the death toll has risen to at least 185 people, and there are over 1,800 wounded. Both sides are using heavy weapons in densely populated areas, causing concern for the safety of civilians.
While the doctors’ syndicate reported 97 civilian deaths, there is no official word on the total number of casualties.
The ongoing clashes have left many bodies in the streets around central Khartoum that cannot be reached.
The recent coup in Sudan and the resulting political instability are expected to have significant impacts on neighboring African countries, particularly those in the Horn of Africa and the Sahel regions.
Sudan is immediately bordered at the northern flank by Egypt and slightly by Libya; Chad by its West, Central Africa and South Sudan on the Southern flank, while coastal state of Eritrea and Ethiopia by the West
Sudan is an essential economic player in the region, particularly in agriculture and energy production.
The country’s agricultural sector is a major source of food for many countries in the Horn of Africa, and its oil exports are an important source of revenue for many countries in the region.
The current political crisis in Sudan is likely to have a negative impact on both the agricultural and energy sectors.
The political instability could lead to a decline in oil production and exports, which would have a significant impact on the economies of neighboring countries that rely on Sudanese oil.
The political crisis in Sudan could also have significant political and security impacts on neighboring countries, potentially leading to a withdrawal of Sudanese troops from peacekeeping missions and exacerbating security challenges in the region.
As such, it is important for the international community to support efforts to resolve the crisis and promote stability in Sudan and the wider region.
Buildup To The Coup
Sudan’s military has warned of potential clashes with the country’s powerful paramilitary force, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
The RSF has deployed troops in Khartoum and other cities without approval or coordination with the armed forces’ leadership. This has heightened tensions between the two groups, causing a delay in the signing of an internationally-backed deal with political parties to restore the country’s democratic transition.
The RSF’s actions have caused panic and fear among the people, increased security risks, and exacerbated tensions between the regular forces.
The RSF, led by powerful Gen. Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, grew out of former militias that executed a brutal crackdown in Sudan’s Darfur region over the past two decades.
In response to the situation, the National Umma Party has urged all political forces to exercise restraint and avoid escalating the situation.
Sudan’s recent political upheavals began with a popular uprising in April 2019 that forced the military’s overthrow of longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir and his Islamist government. However, a military coup in 2021 removed the western-backed, power-sharing administration and plunged the country into chaos once again.
The ongoing democratic transition in Sudan remains uncertain as the country continues to face significant challenges.
Sudan has once again been plunged into uncertainty and chaos as the military has taken control of the country in a coup, dissolving the transitional government and detaining senior officials, including the prime minister.
This brazen power grab comes just two years after a popular uprising ousted longtime autocrat Omar al-Bashir and led to a power-sharing agreement between the military and civilian groups.
The move has been met with widespread condemnation from the international community, which is calling for the immediate release of all those detained and a return to civilian rule.
The coup has raised concerns about the future of Sudan’s fragile democracy and the potential for renewed violence and instability in the country.
Terrorist attacks have been on the rise in northeast Nigeria, with Boko Haram and ISWAP responsible for many of the recent attacks.
Over the past few weeks, there have been several incidents of landmine attacks on troops in the region, leaving many soldiers badly injured.
In addition, there have been targeted attacks on civilians, with the most recent attack resulting in the deaths of ten villagers in Dogsa village, Yobe state which left eleven lives dead.
The terrorists accused the villagers of Dogsa of leaking intelligence to the military about their presence in the area and ordered them to leave the community shortly after the attack.
The worsening security situation in the northeast has raised concerns for the safety of civilians and military personnel alike.
While the Nigerian military has been working to counter the terrorist groups, attacks continue to occur, highlighting the need for greater efforts to achieve lasting peace and stability in the region.
With tensions running high, it remains to be seen what the future holds for the people of northeast Nigeria.
Armed terrorist groups killed 44 civilians in two villages in northeastern Burkina Faso, near the Niger border, according to regional governor Rodolphe Sorgho.
The attacks took place overnight Thursday in the villages of Kourakou and Tondobi in the Sahel region. Sorgho reported that 31 people died in Kourakou and 13 in Tondobi.
The lieutenant-governor described the killings as a “despicable and barbaric attack”.
The army launched an offensive against the attackers, Sorgho said, and “actions to stabilise the area are under way”.
Last June, 86 civilians were killed close to the village of Seytenga in one of the worst attacks of an ongoing insurgency.
The impoverished Sahel country of Burkina Faso is facing a seven-year-old jihadist insurgency, with attacks by groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State increasing in recent years.
In response to the recent attacks, the country’s new military chief, Colonel Celestin Simpore, vowed to step up a “dynamic offensive” against the armed groups.
Regional governor Rodolphe Sorgho also called on the local population to join the Front for the Defence of the Fatherland (FDS), a pro-junta movement, and enroll in the VDP volunteer militia.
The twin attacks that killed 44 civilians on Thursday happened close to the village of Seytenga, where 86 people were killed in one of the deadliest attacks of the insurgency.
Sorgho said that “actions to stabilize the area are under way”.
Humangle has published a heartrenting story about an aged mother whose son was “wrongly” picked and detained by the military as a Boko Haram suspect embarked on a lone mission to secure his freedom. But her effort continued to hit the rocks as she was ripped off several times by officials. Ten years later, her grandson, who was born three months after her son was taken, has now joined her in the fight for justice.
ONCE upon a time, 11 years ago, during the early years of Boko Haram, a young man in Maiduguri, Northeast Nigeria, set out to join the early morning congregational prayer at a mosque not far from his home in Bulabulingaranam.
Buluabulingaranam used to be the den of Boko Haram terrorists when the terrorists reigned supreme in the township of Maiduguri, the Borno state capital. The suburb was once a no-go area to the military.
It usually takes about 20 minutes to conclude the prayers, and everyone returns home to prepare for the day’s task. But that was not the case for Mustapha. It has been over a decade since he left home on that fateful morning.
When the Imam announced the salutation to end the prayer, little did the congregants know that a deployment of military troops had surrounded the mosque.
Every worshiper that stepped out of the mosque was rounded up and asked to sit on the dusty floor outside. Later, other male neighbourhood residents were equally fished out by soldiers who were moving from house to house and made to join the gathering of the apprehended.
Anyone who dared to challenge the soldiers’ actions got the butt of the AK-47 crashing down on his head or shoulder. So, they allowed wisdom to prevail by quietly waiting to see what the soldiers wanted from them again.
Later, the soldiers sorted out the elderly males and asked them to go home. In contrast, some of the young were labelled Boko Haram accomplices responsible for a recent attack on a nearby military post.
It was Mustapha’s turn to be interrogated. The soldiers marched him, at gunpoint, to his house, where he lived with his then-newlywed wife, Nafisat.
Mustapha was made to open the gate to his two-bedroom bungalow, and the soldiers ransacked his house, searching for hidden weapons or anything that may link him with ongoing violence in the city.
“They found nothing, and then one of the commanders told the soldiers to take him away, while my husband kept begging them to free him because he is not a member of Boko Haram,” Nafisat recalled.
The soldier dragged Mustapha out of the house even as his wife held onto him and begged them to free her husband. She had to let him go after one of the soldiers smacked her.
That was the last time his wife, six months into a pregnancy that would later produce her only child, would ever see him again.
Searching for Mustapha
HAJJA GANA, Mustapha’s mother, would later be informed about the arrest of her first son.
Known as an activist and labour unionist during her days in the civil service, Comrade Hajja Gana began the fight to free her first son, whom she swore was never a member of Boko Haram. She did not anticipate that her quest to free her son would last for ten years.
Like many other suspects of Boko Haram terrorism, the soldiers took Mustapha and others to the Giwa Barracks military detention facility in Maiduguri.
His mother would later trace him there, where she practically paid her way through some crooked soldiers to see her son.
“About three weeks after his arrest, I saw my son at the Giwa Barracks,” she said. “A senior military officer, a Colonel, asked that he be brought out of the cell.”
“My son begged me to do everything I could to ensure his release from the detention facility. He said, Mama, help me get out of here because this place is not a good place. The soldiers told us it would require a lot of money.”
Mustapha, who used to trade wholesale goods that he usually bought from Kano and sold to retail shops in Maiduguri, gave his mother a list of his business partners whom he said owed him money. He wanted her to get that money and use part of it to secure his release.
Extortion
Hajja Gana said she managed to retrieve her son’s money from his business partners and used it to get a lawyer and also pay some of the soldiers who claimed they could help her secure his release.
“I got all the money, but it was not enough. I had to sell my personal effects, my gold jewellery pieces, my savings, my landed property, and anything valuable to raise money.
“The soldiers kept asking me for money with the promise to help me bring him out. They told me my son would never be freed alive unless they sneaked him out. That people die every day in the cell, and they would include my son among the corpses to be evacuated to the mortuary so that I could go there and take him home.
The poor woman estimates that up to N2 million ($4,800) had been extorted from her so far.
“There was a time they asked me to provide N25,000 ($50) for them to service and fill up the tank of one of their vans so that they could sneak him out of Maiduguri to Damaturu, Yobe State, where I would travel ahead of time and receive, but on the condition that I don’t let him return to Borno State. I gave them the money and rushed down to Damaturu, where I waited all day, but neither my son nor the soldiers who collected my money showed up.
“Sometimes, they would call me and ask for money to enable them to check for his file, or they would call and tell me that one of their bosses wanted to see me, and when we met for a rendezvous, they would make all kinds of promises to me and then ask for money.”
With time, she realised she was being taken advantage of.
“Years later, the Giwa Barrack was attacked by Boko Haram terrorists who broke into the detention facility, and I never saw or heard from my son again.”
Unknown to Hajja Gana, the military had transferred her son and other suspects to the Wawa Cantonment of the Nigerian Army in Kainji, North-central Nigeria.
It took five years for Mustapha’s family to learn about this transfer.
Life Without Mustapha
THREE months after soldiers picked him up, Mustapha’s wife gave birth to their first and only child, Abdulkarim.
According to her mother-in-law, Nafisa continues to live with her husband’s family because she has never given up hope of seeing him again.
Abdulkarim and his mother, Nafisat, look at Mustapha’s old picture from a mobile device in this photo. Photo credit: Abdulkareem/ HumAngle.
Supported by her husband’s mother, young Nafisat weaned her child, enrolled in the university, and eventually graduated. Her son, Mustapha, had to be fed with “lies” about his father’s whereabouts.
“We usually tell him that his father has traveled to Saudi Arabia and will soon be back,” Nafisat said.
But as the boy gradually matured, his demand for his father shifted from a child’s expectations of beautiful gifts from his daddy, who would “soon” return, to ask his mother to allow him to speak to his daddy through her mobile phone.
“Being a member of the women’s civil society network known as Jire Dole, I had the cause to take my grandson to some of our advocacy outings and meetings just to make a statement about how it was wrong to wrongly arrest and detain a people on false accusations of being Boko Haram terrorists, yet you don’t have any evidence to prosecute,” she said.
Those public engagements with his grandmother had inadvertently exposed young Abdulkarim to finding the truth about his father’s whereabouts.
“So, one night, he came to me and asked why the soldiers were detaining his father in the military facility, and I told him that the soldiers lied against him to keep him there,” his mother, Nafisat, said.
“Since then, Abdulkarim had resolved to be a soldier so that he would one day free his father.”
But he never gets tired of writing letters to the military commander on the need to free his father, whom he has never seen since birth.
“Each time I was to go out to attend any public function, Abdulkarim would ask if I was going to see any military commander there. If my answer were yes, he would run to get a piece of paper and pen and then scribble a letter for me to deliver to the military commander.
A copy of Abdulkarim’s letter to the military commander he believes is holding his father in detention. Photo credit: Abdulkareem/HumAngle.
“I was very emotional the first day he handed me that piece of paper, and I cried all day,” Hajja Gana said.
“It was then that I came to realise that it has already been ten years, and this boy has grown to be able to write a letter; yet he has never set eyes on his father, whom he only appreciates from what we told him and from viewing the old pictures we have of him at home.
“Abdulkarim is now in class 6, preparing very soon to go to secondary school, and I thank God for his life and the love and support I enjoyed from people who helped my family ensure that he goes to school.
“My heart bleeds whenever he says he wants to become a soldier. A child who was just six months old in his mother’s womb when his father was arrested and detained has joined us in seeking justice for his dear father ten years later,” she said in tears.
Abdulkarim’s Letter
AT ten, Abdulkarim’s letter and how he expressed himself defined his personality as a child who knows what he wants now and what he would like to do in the future.
His legibly scripted short letter reads:
“Dear Sir,
How are you and how about your family?
Sir, please, I whanted [want] to see my father, sir. I (am) Abdulkarim Mustapha.
I am ten years old.
Since my mother born to me, I did not see my father up to now.
Please, sir, help me to see my father.”
Speaking with this reporter, Abdulkarim shared his dream of becoming a military officer someday so that he could be able to free his father from wrongful detention.
Though Abdulkarim’s dream of joining the military to rescue his father may seem a far-fetched mission, the primary six pupils said he would continue to write his letter to the military authority until God answers his prayers someday.
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The Chairman of the Ideato North Local Government Area of Imo State, Chris Ohizu, who was abducted recently, has been beheaded.
Mr Ohizu and two others were kidnapped on Friday, Jan. 20, 2022, in his country home, Imoko community in the Arondizuogu area by yet-to-be-identified shooters who also burnt down his building.
His abductors later decapitated him on Sunday, Jan. 22, after allegedly collecting of N6m ransom.
The abduction and subsequent killing of the Imo LG chairman seemed more of political assassination than kidnap for ransom.
Sources said a video had trended earlier online where the abducted chairman was seen kneeling while his abductors were heard warning the Governor of Imo state, Hope Uzodimma that “a similar fate awaits him.”
The abductors went ahead to behead the politician and then posted the video with his phone on his social media handle.
The spokesman of Imo Police Command, ASP Henry Okoye, confirmed the incident. He said the police had commenced investigation into the unfortunate incident.
Bay States News 